Palu'e - Sociopolitical Organization



Social Organization. Society on Palu'e is stratified in that there exist three categories of houses (nua): houses from which priest-leaders are recruited, houses of commoners, and houses of slave descent. Members of the first category are referred to as "father-people," as opposed to members of the latter two categories, who are referred to as "child-people." "Father-people" claim to represent the first settlers who cleared the land. They hold most of the major ritual offices. Within the group (kunu) of houses of this category, one house assumes a traditional position of seniority ( hata ka'é, elder sibling). It is from this house that the priest-leader, lakimosa, is recruited. Strictly speaking, all male members of the "father-people" can be called "lakimosa" (strong man); in practice only the most senior member is addressed by this title. The kunu referred to as "child-people" represent subsequently settled groups. Among these there is no clear-cut order based on precedence in settlement; rather, individual actions and events determine differences in their status. One house within each group assumes the senior position. It is this house that is prominent in ritual and is the guardian of kunu-specific ancestral treasures. Houses of slave descent have in recent times become absorbed into the category of commoners. Within each domain there are two separate kunu of the "father-people" category, one of which is of lesser status. In some domains this lesser kunu has regressed to a position of such inferiority that it no longer lays claim to "father-people" status. In most domains one commoner house has managed by way of marriage strategies to achieve an elevated position of influence. It is then referred to as "mother-people." In some cases this position is maintained by the normally prohibited practice of sister exchange with a house of "father-people" status.

Political Organization. The twelve traditional domains ( tana ) on Palu'e constitute ceremonial, political, and territorial entities. They can be divided into two categories according to the practice of different ceremonial systems. The seven tana practicing the offering of water-buffalo are referred to as tana laja karapau, "domains of water-buffalo blood." The five domains lacking the water-buffalo sacrifice are called tana laja wawi, "domains of pig blood," in reference to their main sacrificial animals. All domains on Palu'e are linked by a system of political cum ritual alliance and enmity that crosscuts the adherence to one or the other form of sacrifice. Alliances between domains are often reinforced by huju-bako relationships between the houses of the respective priest-leaders. Each domain classifies its traditional allies in warfare according to their size and strength as either conceptually male or female, thereby implying a position of relative superiority or inferiority. The population of a domain varies from 300 to 1,500 people; its size ranges from 2 square kilometers to 16 square kilometers. Only in recent times have efforts been made to stabilize boundaries by means of cement markers. Traditionally the territory of a domain is defined by a set of place-names, but boundaries are periodically renegotiated through warfare. The firstborn son of the senior house of the leading kunu of "father people" in a domain is usually appointed to the position of lakimosa. He is the traditional ritual, political, and juridical head of the domain. As such he receives, as a form of tax, part of the harvest of commoner houses as well as specific cuts of animals sacrificed in the domain. In most domains the former obligation no longer applies. The appointment to lakimosa status is made by the preceding lakimosa at the moment of his death and is subject to confirmation by the traditional allies of the domain. In those cases where a second kunu of "father-people" successfully upholds claims to full lakimosa status, separate spheres of influence and separate ritual centers are maintained. Ceremonial cycles are synchronized and in decisions affecting the whole of the domain the leading lakimosa takes precedence. In most cases traditional political authority is entirely delegated to him.

Social Control. At the most general level the concept of hada encompasses the totality of ancestral knowledge. It stands for the correct way of doing things. The content of hada is transmitted orally from parents to children and from grandparents to grandchildren. Much of hada is encoded in a poetic form of ritual speech. Knowledge of the parts of hada related to domain-specific ritual and to warfare is restricted to the lakimosa. He is the guardian of hada for all of the domain, as firstborn sons are the guardians of hada for their respective houses. Breaches of hada are considered offensive to the ancestors and to the Supreme Being and members of an offender's house will eventually incur misfortune or even death. In many cases fear of these supernatural sanctions will drive offenders to admit breaches to the lakimosa and plead for his mediation with the Supreme Being by way of ritual and sacrifice. In precolonial days all breaches of customary law were adjudicated by the lakimosa. Traditional sanctions are codified and range from fines in goods to corporal punishment, including the death penalty. Since the establishment of regency courts on Flores only minor offenses such as theft, extramarital affairs, land disputes, and slander of reputation are adjudicated by the lakimosa. Sentences are established in consultation with local government representatives and in accordance with the norms of customary law. Sentences can be appealed in government courts at district and regency level.

Conflict. Boundary disputes are the most important source of conflict in that they present a major potential for escalation. Within a domain disputes over boundaries between fields are ultimately dealt with by various forms of divine ordeal under the auspices of the lakimosa. Disputes over boundaries between domains generally lead to warfare. Leadership in warfare rests with the lakimosa but may be delegated to skilled warriors. In most domains it is a stipulation of hada to go to war with the traditional enemy at intervals of five years. An auspicious moment for warfare is after the completion of the ceremonial cycle, when offerings to the Supreme Being have been laid out along the domain's boundaries. War is fought by men who use flintlock guns, bows and arrows, spears, and bush knives. Women participate by throwing stones and insulting the enemy. A truce between the priest-leaders involved is usually arrived at after both sides have suffered some minor casualties. Recent battles have often been aborted prematurely by the arrival of military forces from Flores. Boundary disputes are then temporarily settled in district courts.


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